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Book Discussion: <i>Russia in Search of Itself</i>

In the turbulent decade since the collapse of the Soviet Union, conditions have worsened considerably for many Russians, and a wide-ranging debate has raged over the nature and destiny of their country. In Russia in Search of Itself, James H. Billington, the Librarian of Congress and a noted expert on Russia, examines the efforts of a proud but troubled nation to find a post-Soviet identity.

Date & Time

Tuesday
Apr. 20, 2004
4:00pm – 5:00pm ET

Overview

Introducing his new book, Russia in Search of Itself, author Jim Billington asserted that Russians currently are experiencing "the cultural angst of a great culture." Soviet totalitarianism was unprecedented and, he added, so is the nation's decompression from it. Today, Russians are not governed by a universal ideology, and so remain in search of a shared identity.

Billington discussed several themes, which he elaborates on in his book, that reveal the conflicting tendencies in Russia's identity quest. First, polls reveal that Russians desire human rights and freedoms yet also support a strong government willing to derail those liberties. He said President Putin is adept at combining democratic procedure with authoritarian methods, "trying to be all things to all people." But such a trait, said Billington, cannot provide a sufficient identity or moral legitimacy for the people. Nevertheless, "Russia's historic times of troubles never last much longer than the 15 years that this one has already dragged on," Billington said, "and I believe Russia may become one of the surprise take-off countries of the early 21st century."

Second, Russia is moving in two polar opposite directions: authoritarian nationalism and federative democracy. "Because we tend to project onto Russia our American idea of it, everything political eventually oozes toward the center. But Russia, unlike America, has been historically susceptible to extreme positions."

Russians are faced with the question of which direction post-communist Russia ultimately will take them. Asked Billington, will it be "a new form of lady liberty legitimized by law or a Siberian tiger, hungry offspring of a not-yet-extinct autocratic tradition?"

Third, Russia lacks both strong political parties to support democracy and paramilitary organizations that would make fascism a threat, yet the philosophies exist to provide legitimacy and a concrete identity to either alternative. Russia still plays a central role in geopolitics despite its current weakness and could attempt to reestablish control over much of the former Soviet domain. Billington said one similarity between post-communist Russia and late Weimar Germany is that "Russia is trying to build democracy in an authoritarian culture, after it was defeated in a war by democracies who have done little to support the experiment." Although no significant Nazi-type party exists in Russia today, Billington said, "In Russia, today's fears often have a way of crystallizing into tomorrow's realities."

Billington predicts Putin may unintentionally destroy Russia's democratic experiment. "Putin may intend to modify not destroy the political system that elevated him to power, yet it's inevitable," he said. "Reformers are subject to the forces of change they have unleashed."

Still, Billington is optimistic that Russia may be headed on more of an open, democratic path in part due to the antipathy Russians feel for the tenets of an autocratic regime. Also, a new generation of provincial leaders, who came of age in the glasnost era, is turning to practical, nongovernmental, local solutions to problems.

He cited the Open World program, a U.S. congressionally funded training program that has trained nearly 8,000 young Russian leaders㬨 percent of them women—from all 89 Russian provinces. All have returned to work in Russia, including hundreds of judges and legal professionals. Billington said Putin has made strides in improving the rule of law. And despite his willingness to collaborate with the United States on the war on terror notwithstanding public opinion, Putin has greater legitimacy among Russians than any public official has ever had. "He's the re-elected beneficiary of a peaceful constitutional transfer of power from another re-elected leader."

While Russians have become disillusioned with freedom, "the thirst continues to grow both for new ways of doing things and for old values embedded in Russian traditions." And, said Billington, the United States still is seen as the best model for building a federated democracy with a multi-ethnic population.

Billington contends religion will play a key role in whether Russia traverses a more democratic or authoritarian path. Young priests who do community service in their parishes can help facilitate reform, giving the church a greater role in society. Or, the church could reaffirm a top-down hierarchy, characterized by subservience to the state and historic intolerance. "Russians are a religious people, in memory if not in conviction," said Billington. "Legitimacy must be moral."

What happens to Russia matters for U.S. national interests. Russia still has weapons of mass destruction that could fall into hostile hands, especially given that all three "axis of evil" countries are Russia's nearby neighbors. Geopolitically, good relations with Russia will help contain hostile border areas, including radical Islamic neighbors. And, Russia is important simply because democracy building remains an important U.S. goal and its success will inspire the spread of democracy to other regions.

Billington said the prospects for world peace will depend on Russia's success with its democratic experiment. Although the leaders of both nations have gotten along and the United States has made efforts to facilitate the democratic transition, Billington said, "I think we have a broader obligation to do more."

Drafted by Dana Steinberg, Outreach & Communications

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