April 17, 2012 // 3:30pm — 5:30pm
On April 26, the Tokyo District Court is expected to hand down a ruling in the case of Ichiro Ozawa, accused of breaking electoral finance law. The Ozawa case, likely to end in the acquittal of the veteran lawmaker, resulted in his resignation as head of the Democratic Party of Japan just as he was poised to become the nation’s prime minister. Critics of the case have charged that this raises serious questions about the relationship between the courts and the political world in Japan. Scholars of legal practice in Northeast Asia have noted that other judiciaries in the region have also assumed a more active political role in recent decades. The courts were key actors, for example, in Taiwan’s movements towards democratization, but more recently have been accused of meddling in the island’s politics by convicting former Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian on bribery charges. In Korea, meanwhile, judges have been actively involved in discussions about such issues as relocation of the capital, which have traditionally been dealt with in the political realm. Do such cases constitute a “judicialization” of politics in Northeast Asian countries, and if so, what are the ramifications for democratic rule in these nations?
April 11, 2012 // 9:00am — 12:00pm
“The nontraditional security threats of tomorrow could themselves become sources of future traditional conflict if they’re not effectively addressed today,” said Mahin Karim.
April 10, 2012 // 11:00am — 12:30pm
Reluctant allies, Pakistan and the US grudgingly need each other to reach shared goals: keeping Al Qaeda out of Afghanistan and structuring an orderly withdrawal of NATO forces. Wilson Center expert Zahid Hussain offers ways to thaw what right now is a “frozen” relationship.
March 27, 2012 // 4:00pm — 5:15pm
China has recently been a major force in political games in the Asia-Pacific. For example, it has succeeded in partly disengaging the United States from the trade framework in Southeast Asia by promoting “low quality” Free Trade Agreements in the region. China has also viewed the ASEAN Regional Forum and East Asia Summit as convenient non-binding and consensus-based arenas that allow Beijing to avoid dealing with hard issues such as maritime disputes in the South China Sea. The Obama administration’s much-discussed “Asia Pivot” is an attempt to reinsert the United States into regional political games and is perhaps most evident in the administration’s focus on the Trans-Pacific Partnership multilateral FTA. How is the United States’ reemergence as a regional player changing the existing components of the political game? What trade and strategic initiatives is Washington undertaking? How will other regional players, such as Japan and India, respond to American and Chinese moves?
March 27, 2012 // 11:00am — 12:30pm
The launch of a timely new biography on Burma's iconic democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.
March 21, 2012 // 3:00pm — 5:30pm
On March 26-27, Seoul will host the second Nuclear Security Summit, an initiative established by the Obama administration in Washington in 2010. Fifty world leaders, as well as scores of NGOs and industry and business representatives on the periphery of the central meeting, will discuss the summit’s main aim: to prevent loose nuclear materials from falling into the hands of terrorists. Naturally, different regional actors will have different agendas and priorities for the summit, and it is therefore important to consider the issues and concerns for Northeast Asian, South Asian, Middle Eastern, and former Soviet states and stakeholders.
March 12, 2012 // 4:00pm — 5:15pm
"Peaceful coexistence," long a key phrase in China’s strategic thinking, is a constructive doctrine that offers China a path for influencing the international system. So argues Liselotte Odgaard in this timely analysis of China's national security strategy in the context of its foreign policy practice. China’s program of peaceful coexistence emphasizes absolute sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. Odgaard suggests that China’s policy of working within the international community and with non-state actors such as the UN aims to win for China greater power and influence without requiring widespread exercise of military or economic pressure.
February 23, 2012 // 9:30am — 11:00am
David Scott Mathieson, Human Rights Watch's senior Burma researcher, reports on his recent trip to Rangoon.
February 13, 2012 // 3:30pm — 5:30pm
Agriculture has often been a stumbling block in free trade negotiations. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), often seen as the economic component of the Obama Administration’s “Asia pivot,” is no exception. Can Japan’s leadership, which has indicated a willingness to join the TPP, surmount resistance from its domestic agricultural lobby? Is the TPP attractive to countries like Korea, which has enthusiastically negotiated separate bilateral free trade agreements, most notably with the United States? What are the problems and opportunities in the agreement for American agricultural producers? How do nations like New Zealand, an agricultural powerhouse and original member of the TPP, view the negotiating positions of potential new members to the agreement?
January 10, 2012 // 9:00am — 10:00am
Journalist and author Fariba Nawa discussed her recently published book, Opium Nation, as well as the role of women in the drug trade in Afghanistan and within Afghan society during the war led by the United States.