Ideology is once again playing a major role in U.S.-China relations. Government warnings against the pernicious influence of “Western values” have surged under Xi Jinping. And that concern has influenced policies toward the Internet, traditional media, culture and entertainment, universities, think tanks, and non-governmental organizations. Can China succeed in blocking Western influence? That’s the focus of this edition of REWIND.
The China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is seeking to make its mark in the global development finance arena. Some have voiced concerns over the notion that the bank could have a negative impact on “good governance,” and this is among the reasons the US has opposed the idea. But is that the best posture for Washington to assume? And what impact will the AIIB have in the realm of soft power? Kissinger Institute Director, Robert Daly, addresses these and other questions in this edition of Wilson Center NOW.
Since Xi Jinping took over the role of general secretary of the Chinese Communist party in November 2012 there has been a tightening of social, political and economic controls, alongside a renewed emphasis on propaganda and ideological work. China’s president will face resistance if he fails to readjust, writes Anne-Marie Brady.
China's Education Minister Yuan Guiren, has been speaking out about the threat of Western values and ideas on China’s college campuses. He said, “Young teachers and students are key targets of infiltration by enemy forces,” and added that “some countries,” fearful of China’s rise, “have stepped up infiltration in more discreet and diverse ways.” Can the government’s latest attempts to tighten controls over China’s intellectual discourse succeed? That’s the focus of this edition of Wilson Center NOW.
It should come as no surprise that China prefers to treat individuals, information, and institutions in the international sphere as it treats them within its own borders. China’s fast-emerging competition with the United States in the rule-making arena is an attempt to have Chinese values and standards accepted as legitimate alternatives to established international standards and practices. This month’s newsletter kicks off with three short articles that, read together, present a balanced picture of the competition to make global rules—a competition that increasingly shapes bilateral relations.
The new year in U.S.-China relations began in the uncertain afterglow of President Obama’s and General Secretary Xi’s November summit in Beijing. Those meetings—Xi was said to spend more time with Obama than with all other national leaders combined—were widely read as a joint effort to ease the friction and mutual suspicion that had characterized relations since Xi and Obama met at Sunnylands in 2013.
China has just made its biggest foreign policy adjustment since 1989. The bigger question here is, what is the grand strategy behind Xi’s plans? Kissinger Institute Global Fellow, Zheng Wang writes about China's evolving foreign policy under Xi Jinping.
During recent speeches, high-level Chinese officials delivered seemingly contradictory messages about China’s intentions as a world power. Does China intend to challenge the current world order or does it simply want to play its role within the current structure?
US-China Relations After APEC: The nature of Sino-American relations is rapidly changing. And that’s a good thing.Nov 18, 2014
"Overall, China’s rise to greater regional power and America’s loss of global hegemon status are inevitable. The only real question is whether that transition will lead to more cooperation between a China and U.S. who increasingly share responsibility for major global issues, or to conflict," writes Jack A. Goldstone.