This is an ambitious but realistic & practical way to enhance AGOA by not just ensuring prompt and seamless renewal of U.S. market access provisions for African imports, but also promoting a level playing field for U.S. investment in Africa and encouraging American participation in sub Saharan Africa’s regional infrastructural development.
The Trans - Atlantic South Partnership: Positions on Building a Mutually Beneficial Partnership with AfricaMay 21, 2013
It is very simple. Until the U.S. is as optimally invested, or doing business as briskly as the Chinese, the EU, Indians, Brazilians or Vietnamese; the world’s largest economy can neither expand its commercial footprint in Africa nor make a portentous impact on the lives of over a billion Africans.
Amid the growing number of reports warning that climate change threatens security, one potentially dangerous – but counterintuitive – dimension has been largely ignored. Could efforts to reduce our carbon footprint and lower our vulnerability to climate change inadvertently exacerbate existing conflicts?
Beyond AGOA: An Updated Case for a Trans - Atlantic Trade & Investment Partnership Between Africa & The United StatesMay 03, 2013
In this paper, McDonald, Lande & Matanda argue that, premised on conditions here in the U.S., in Africa and elsewhere, the ‘perfect storm’could be brewing for an effective renewal or enhancement of AGOA before the program expires in 2015.
This paper is specifically about providing suggestions for positions the AU can take vis-a-vis the European Union’s Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). Central is an urgent call for member states to give the AU latitude to ensure that the conclusion of EPAs with the EU is postponed until, at least, the next decade. Simply: If the EU successfully foists EPAs on a critical number of member states through unilateral threats to prematurely withdraw or limit preferential treatment, the negative consequences will be devastating not only to Africa but to many trading partners.
The Search for Antiseptic War: The Prospects and Perils of Drones for the United States, the Sahel and BeyondApr 19, 2013
The U.S. Government has made clear that stabilization missions requiring deployment of large numbers of personnel—military and civilian—are not on the agenda for the foreseeable future. Not only budget constraints but also sobering experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan have produced a strategic shift.
A workshop report focused on three areas of intersection that have dominated discussions of climate and security links in developing country contexts.
U.S. policy toward Africa has been on autopilot for much of the past four years, following a laundry list of good intentions that established priorities for Africa’s well-being and U.S. security interests. However, a truly sustainable and forward-looking U.S. policy toward Africa should refocus attention on Africa’s opportunity as an economic powerhouse of the future, a strategy that combines both domestic self-interest and an opportunity to help Africa move forward.
Long before it came to the Arab world, spring swept through sub-Saharan Africa. In 1990, Mozambique drafted its first multiparty, democratic constitution. The next year saw multiparty elections in what had been one-party states in Benin, Gabon, and Zambia, as well as the overthrow of Mali’s dictator and, subsequently, the election of new leaders. Every succeeding year brought new steps forward for democracy—in Ghana, Kenya, and the Republic of the Congo in 1992, and elsewhere on the continent in subsequent years. The world only paid attention when South Africa joined the ranks of democratic nations in 1994.
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), approximately 800 women die daily from preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth. Almost all of these deaths occur in developing countries, with higher rates for women living in rural areas and among poorer communities.