January 2003- In this new age of international terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, states a senior NATO official, "Turkey has replaced Germany as the keystone state for European security. NATO's Mediterranean countries, headed by Greece, follow Turkey as the new 'frontline' states." The paradigm shift in the alliance's strategic thinking reveals a new vitality and purpose within NATO, as the realities of emergent and potentially catastrophic threats move the defense debate from deterrence to pro-active security measures.
On the 6th of March 2009, a conference was held at the Royal United Services Institute for Defence Studies (RUSI) in London, entitled: "Combating International Terrorism: Turkey's Added Value." The conference brought together British and Turkish officials and various experts to explore areas of cooperation in counter-terrorism between Turkey and the UK. The format of the conference was based on the UK Government's strategy for countering international terrorism, with the same sub-headings of: Prevent, Pursue, Protect and Prepare. A version of this paper will be published in a forthcoming R.U.S.I.( Royal United Services Institute for Defence Studies) report on Turkey and Counter-Terrorism.The presentation concentrated on strategies to ‘Prevent' international terrorism. The focus of the session was on tackling disadvantages and supporting reform; the socio-economic investment schemes under GAP (the Great Anatolia Project); and the impact of EU membership criteria, or EU ‘conditionality' on the democratic reform process in Turkey. The paper's focus concentrated on the impact of EU conditionality and recent political crises in Turkey on the political reform process as a measure to prevent terrorism.
Jan./Feb. 2001 - As the two most strategically important Balkan countries, Greece and Turkey have important roles to play in promoting security, reconstruction, and international integration throughout Southeastern Europe. While Athens and Ankara maintain serious, long-term disputes over Cyprus and the Aegean, the "Central Balkan" region provides a valuable opportunity for cooperation and complementarity that can increase the influence and prestige of both states while enhancing their bilateral relations.
Aug/Sept. 2002 - On the first anniversary of the events of September 11, there remains a credible danger of terrorist attacks by groups of well-funded Islamists in the Balkans, especially in the Muslim part of Bosnia, against American or allied targets.
August 2007 - For a long time the Greek-Turkish space had been characterized as a volcanic zone which was expected to erupt into generalized warfare at anytime and anywhere between the Aegean and Cyprus. Greeks and Turks, despite their joint membership in NATO since 1952, were described as politically incompatible and trapped by history (centuries of Ottoman occupation, Greek national revolution, and irredentist wars throughout the 19th century and the first two and a half decades of the 20th). Greeks and Turks were expected invariably to repeat their conflict prone behavior of the past well into the future.
July/August 2000 - As we experience the infancy of a new century, we are witnesses to the unfolding of a new perspective regarding the direction of U.S. foreign policy. The foreign policy platforms of the two main presidential candidates verify that Washington will be focusing on an approach that adjusts to the needs of an increasingly globalized world.
March 2002 - Throughout most of the 1990s, security issues in the waters of the eastern Mediterranean region were shaped by three factors: the end of the Cold War, the naval aspects of the conflicts in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and the continuing antagonism between Greece and Turkey over the Aegean Sea and Cyprus.
July 2006: Report done by Luso American Foundation: Over the last decade, Europe has developed an active strategy of engagement with the southern Mediterranean countries in the form of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (the Barcelona Process) and the Mediterranean dimension of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). NATO, too, has an increasingly active program of dialogue and cooperation in the Mediterranean. Southern European countries have been at the forefront in stressing the importance of Europe’s interests in the Mediterranean and North-South Relations
Aug./Sept. 2001 - The disunion of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia—initially through the nonchalance of Slav Macedonian authorities, then sped into overdrive by ethnic Albanian extremists, and now codified by NATO and European Union mediators—provides stark lessons for negotiators confronting ethnic tensions, political disputes, and security and stability problems at the other end of southeastern Europe, in Cyprus.