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Why Do Development Policies Often Fail in Africa? Perspectives on the World Development Report 2017
World Bank Group President Jim Yong Kim (far right) talks with Minister of Finance, Planning & Economic Development, Hon. Maria Kiwanuka in Kampala, Uganda. Photo courtesy of World Bank Photo Collective via Flickr Commons. (License)
The 2017 World Development Report on Governance and the Law focuses on questions related to the formulation and implementation of development policies and their outcomes in Africa. These concerns have usually centered on why supposedly well-crafted policies often fail to be adopted, and when they are, why they fail to achieve their desired objectives, as well as on why certain bad policies persist although acknowledged by policy leaders as such. In addressing these questions, the report is of the view that:
- Often, the policy makers placed excessive emphasis on "best practices," at the expense of other factors (e.g. commitment, coordination, cooperation, etc.) that are deemed plausible determinants of a successful policy.
- The preponderanceof power asymmetry, or the unequal distribution of power, in the political arena contributes to policy failure, as it facilitates resource diversion (through mechanisms such as clientelism) away from contributing to policy success.
- Successful policy implementation can be achieved by bringing about change in the incentives, preferences, and beliefs of key players (elites, citizens, and international actors) and creating space for contestability and participation.
- Successful policy implementation can also be achieved by reaching beyond institutional forms to address institutional functions, beyond capacity building to address power asymmetry, and beyond the rule of law to address the role of law. These must be the guiding principles for reshaping governance for effective development.
Overall, the report provides an insightful analysis and offers valuable policy recommendations, organized in three main parts. The first section focuses on conceptualizing the role of governance for development. The topics discussed include corruption, managing risks, the role of law, and the emergence of equitable and effective legal institutions. The second provides an in-depth exploration of governance in key sectors and contexts such as security, wartime, crime, growth, middle income, public-private partnerships, equity, and service delivery in health and education. The last section discusses the drivers of change, namely elite bargaining, decentralization, public service reforms, citizen engagements, media, interconnectedness, and illicit financial flows.
The 2017 topic, governance and the law, is a timely one, given the current context marked by the failure of numerous countries in the Global South (especially in Africa) to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, and the ongoing lag in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. In fact, the questions related to policy failure discussed by the World Bank are not unique to the developing world or to Africa. An important body of the academic literature on policy implementation — including in the developed world — focuses on understanding why policy implementation too often fails to achieve the goals initially formulated by decision-makers, and how to fix it.
A survey of the implementation literature reveals some limits to the World Bank approach. For instance, although most of the elements of the puzzle are discussed by the report, it fails to adequately systematize the determinants of failure. Matland (1995) proposes a synthesis of the top-down and bottom-up approaches in his ambiguity-conflict model, explaining why successful policy implementation is rarely attained. He also suggests ways to address these failures.
Broadly speaking, he explains, there are two primary factors in the ambiguity-conflict model that help explain the success or failure in implementing various policies. These factors are the degree of policy ambiguity and the degree of policy conflict. The degree of policy conflict is based on an understanding of humans as rational and self-interested actors, which, as interests regularly diverge, usually provoke conflict. Policy ambiguity arises when goals or means related to a policy are unclear. The four main scenarios are presented below with brief illustrations.
First, when the levels of both conflict and ambiguity are low, policy implementation is administrative. This means that implementation depends on the administrative or institutional capacity and it will be successful if resources are available. Additional determinants of success in this context include the motivation, learning, staff competency, and quality of processes. For example, in the case of a need to ensure citizen safety, almost all actors will agree (low conflict) that security forces are necessary (low ambiguity) to ensure citizen safety, and the solution will be easily implemented if resources are available. Unfortunately, numerous countries, such as Central African Republic lack resources to ensure an acceptable level of safety for their citizens.
Second, when the levels of both conflict and ambiguity are high, policy implementation is symbolic, and successful implementation will depend on the strength of the coalition. Additional factors impacting success include incentives and constraints, network management, and communication. One such example is the redistribution of land in Zimbabwe from white owners to blacks, who were almost exclusively already either wealthy or part of the black political elite. It is questionable as to how such policies solve any serious development problems (high ambiguity). What is certain, however, is the high level of conflict they generate.
Third, when conflict is high and ambiguity low, implementation takes a political form, with power as the prime determinant of successful implementation. Additional factors for success include autonomy, governance, and leadership. This dynamic could occur when setting spending priorities in an oil-rich country. Although a viable solution would be to constitute a reserve for rainy days (low ambiguity), some actors prioritize spending revenues on immediate needs, while others favor higher savings (high conflicts). Those with power are in the strongest position to impose their vision. Countries such as Nigeria have faced challenges linked to power asymmetry that have led to poor saving policies, resulting in catastrophic situations when oil prices are down.
Finally, when conflict is low and the ambiguity high, implementation tends to be experimental, and success will depend on contextual conditions. Additional factors for success include institutional factors, organizational structure, and culture. Poverty eradication policies provide us with an excellent illustration. Although most actors would agree on pursuing such a goal (low conflict), the policy to address such a multifaceted issue is complex (high ambiguity). Most African countries are facing such a challenge.
In conclusion, although the 2017 World Bank Development Report discusses many of the highlighted solutions, one of its weaknesses is its inability to provide a middle-level framework for systematically examining the circumstances under which policies succeed or fail. The cases examined above illustrate the importance of a more systematic approach to understanding the causes of failure, or the determinants of success — and Matland's framework, presented here, offers the beginnings of a solution. Readers interested in a deeper understanding of this question can refer to the analysis of the role of international, regional, and national actors in the formulation and implementation of development strategies in Africa over five decades. Recent policy papers also synthesize the implementation literature and causes of policy failures as well as explore practical options for successful policy delivery, including discussing the case of resources mobilization for Africa .
Professor Landry Signé is David M. Rubenstein Fellow in the Global Economy and Development Program and Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution, Distinguished Fellow at Stanford University's Center for African Studies, Andrew Carnegie Fellow, Chairman of the Global Network for Africa's Prosperity, a Full Professor and Senior Adviser on International Affairs to the Chancellor at the University of Alaska, a Curator of the World Economic Forum Africa Transformation Map, and was a visiting scholar at the University of Oxford and Public Policy Fellow at the Wilson Center. He is the author of numerous leading publications on the political economy of Africa transformation, including "Innovating Development Strategies in Africa: The Role of International, Regional and National Actors," published by Cambridge University Press and his work has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, and Harvard International Review, among others. Follow him on Twitter: @LandrySigne.
About the Author
Landry Signé
University of Alaska Anchorage; Stanford University
Africa Program
The Africa Program works to address the most critical issues facing Africa and US-Africa relations, build mutually beneficial US-Africa relations, and enhance knowledge and understanding about Africa in the United States. The Program achieves its mission through in-depth research and analyses, public discussion, working groups, and briefings that bring together policymakers, practitioners, and subject matter experts to analyze and offer practical options for tackling key challenges in Africa and in US-Africa relations. Read more